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Ron Paul's immigration U-turn
Why does the “libertarian”
want the federal government to micro-manage the labor market?
Thursday 31 January 2008
Dallas
Hansen
Rudy's
out, but Ron's still in.
Now that
“America's Mayor” (a.k.a.
Mr. 9/11) Rudy Giuliani has thrown in the towel, the race for the
Republican nomination for the 2008 presidential contest is down to
just four candidates: Arizona Senator John McCain (broke, but leading
in delegates), the self-financing former Massachussets governor Mitt
Romney, former Arkansas governor Mike Huckabee (an evangelical whose
15 minutes are almost up), and Texas Rep. Ron Paul an economic
libertarian who emerged as a front-runner upon raising $20 million
during the last quarter of 2007—including $6.3 million in a single
day, a new record.
It's easy
to like Rep. Ron Paul (R-TX).
During most of his ten terms, the affable 72 year-old moonlighted as
a obstretician-gynecologist in Lake Jackson, Texas, but now he's
vying for yet another career, as President of the United States no
less, on a platform of immediate withrawl of all U.S. military
abroad, eliminating personal income tax (and most federal
departments, including the Federal Reserve), opening the market for
competing legal tenders such as notes backed by precious metals, and
defending a U.S. Constitution besieged since 9/11—an event he says
requires reinvestigation. Rep. Paul is also the author of many papers
and several books on politics and economics, including, Freedom
Under Siege: The U.S. Constitution after 200+ years.
Rep. Paul
loves free markets so much he
thinks NAFTA and GATT are inadequate, “managed trade.” But as he
calls for the goods and capital to flow freely across borders, he
seeks to restrict the inflow of labor—which, in terms of
free-market economics, makes about as much sense as using exit visas
to restrict its outflow.
In
effect, that's what the current
setup is doing. Present immigration policy works to populate the
country with Mexicans who, if they are the least bit desert-savvy,
can get in, but will not be keen to leave having taken so much
trouble to arrive. Before night-vision CCTV, airplane drones, and
Minutemen lined the border, Mexicans sort of came and went as they
pleased. Some would come up for the fruit-picking season and go home
to enjoy the spoils of their labor. Others worked for years in the
U.S., saving money to return to Mexico to launch a business. Some
stuck around, integrated, had American children. But once it began
getting hard to get in, fewer became willing to leave, for fear of
being unable to return. With a heightned risk of not being able to
return to the U.S., there is more incentive to remain, a phenomenon
which not just increases in-migration but stifles net out-migration.
Puerto
Rico shows us that when inflow
of labor is unrestricted the less prosperous country doesn't empty
itself into the other. Puerto Rico's per capita Gross Domestic
Product is $19,300; California's is $41,000. Yet Puerto Ricans, who
live in a U.S. territory, are free to migrate to the U.S. mainland.
The fact that so many don't demonstrates the power of tribalism over
sheer economics.
Tribalism
is something about which Rep.
Paul knows a thing or two. In a recent interview with Tim Russert on
NBC's Meet the Press, Rep.
Paul was asked to clarify his current position on illegal immigration
(he wants to militarize the U.S.-Mexican border and deport illegal
immigrants) vis-à-vis the decidedly different stance he held
two decades ago as a candidate for the Libertarian Party in the 1988
presidential election. In the July/August, 1987 issue of the
Libertarian Party News, Ron Paul wrote, “As in our country's first
150 years, there shouldn't be any immigration policy at all. We
should welcome everyone who wants to come here and work.” Indeed,
federal records for immigration weren't even kept until 1820. But,
Rep. Paul explained to Mr. Russert, he was actually at odds with the
Libertarian Party's official line, because Rep. Paul wished to append
that particular statement with the notion that “there may well be a
time when immigration is like an invasion and we have to treat it
differently.”
What
exactly does Rep. Paul mean by “invasion”? America is besieged by
shortages of unskilled labor, and a growing population of employed
workers is indicative of a robust economy. Let's for a moment
speculate that Rep. Paul has lamented the rapid racial transformation
of his Gulf Coast Texas district from white to brown—or would it
not be safe to say that a rapid influx of German, or Irish, or
Norwegian immigrants would qualify as “healthy growth” rather
than an “invasion”?
Rep.
Paul has been accused of racism and ties to white nationalist groups,
but I don't believe he is consciously racist. Human beings are
innately tribal; Rep. Paul is no exception. We tend to congregate
with those who share not only our cultural values, but physical
characterstics as well. This is not a rule but a tendency;
nonetheless it is absurd to suggest that economies ought to be free
to move goods and capital across borders, but not labor. Why not let
the market decide where people live? The Soviet Union notoriously
required an exit visa for its citizens to leave the country—is it
not equally inhumane to restrict the inflow of workers? American
citizens deserve the “freedom” that Rep. Paul claims to champion,
but would-be Americans of Mexican descent—or even American-born
children of migrants—are to be rounded up, detained, and ultimately
deported for the so-called crime of seeking a better life through
honest work?
While
I can appreciate the rest of Rep. Paul's platform, and I certainly
prefer him to the other candidates, it's ironic that he's so prone to
telling his opponents to “open up the Constitution and read it”
when it appears he himself could stand to look at what's inscribed on
the Statue of Liberty:
Give
me your tired, your poor,
Your
huddled masses yearning to
breathe free,
The
wretched refuse of your teeming
shore
Send
these, the homeless,
tempest-tossed to me.
I
lift my lamp beisde the golden
door.
www.dallashansen.com
Further reading:
Bordering on Absurdity (Business
Week)
Let
the huddled masses in (The Economist)
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